slatestarscratchpad:
kontextmaschine:
kontextmaschine:
Like, everyone does realize that when the Republicans take the House back they’ll use the precedents of Marjorie Taylor Greene and Paul Gosar to normalize stripping minority committee assignments as a standard tool of the majority?
We have basically been reinventing a parliamentary legislature backwards ever since the “Republican Revolution” of 1994 made the GOP relevant in Congress again (after the thumbs FDR put on the scale to create a permanent Democratic majority finally fell off)
Can you explain (or link to a good source) about the thumbs FDR put on the scale to create a permanent Democratic majority?
Well part was just “I’ve got such a solid majority, we can pass such big bills, take credit for them, and route the citizen satisfaction back to us!” (while routing finance, hiring, project selection &ct. to local party machines, urban bosses and rural “courthouse gangs” alike – to a significant extent they weren’t making the unitary national Democratic Party stronger than a Republican equivalent but making sure the local Democratic Party was everywhere the strong horse). A strong enough majority will tend to favor its continuation in the immediate next election and investment in long-term party building
Part was jumping onside to the rise of expertise as distinct from ownership, the rise of college-trained hired executives of publicly owned firms, research scientists, and officers of an expanded military (from which the first two took cues and contracts). With industrial, tax, education, military, and securities policy the FDR administration grew this new class and empowered them, and they came to dominate midcentury America (until Vietnam at least).
Where the prewar Babbitt and the postwar Man in the Gray Flannel Suit might both skewer middle-class life and sensibilities as conformist and unfulfilling, it is telling that the former represents a bourgeois, local (but same as everywhere) model of the middle class fundamentally held together by a commitment to stasis and the triumph of local elites; the latter an executive model where a man shaped by the experience of military service operates a national campaign in pursuit of state funding, entirely compatible with postwar Democratic rule
Then there’s the more egregious stuff. Leaving aside that many of those local party machines were corrupt and fraudulent, at the unitary federal level you have things like the throttling of opposition media.
I’m thinking of things like the Mayflower Doctrine, where broadcasting radio stations (which were, by definition, owned by the owning class) were enjoined from presenting editorial content as a condition of broadcast licensing. This was replaced by the “Fairness Doctrine” in 1948, demanding “balanced” treatments of controversial issues (implicitly, as understood by the intellectual-administrative class the FDR administration empowered, and not the ownership class they eclipsed) which until its abandonment in 1987 was considered to make presenting a clear ideological line impossible and engaging with controversy at all as impractical. Following this conservative talk radio gained substantial audience and influence; Fox News is of course not broadcast subject to FCC regulation but it does suggest that vocally conservative broadcast media, if not prohibited, may have exerted influence.
And then, radio licensing reached back into the newspaper industry. Many newspapers (a high-margin but low-growth industry) expanded into high-growth broadcasting and saw their future there, and were pressured to show they were suitable stewards of the common interest for licensure by taking an editorial line compatible with current practice and thought by all the “best” minds (who were being elevated to positions of influence by the system they affirmed) and not demanding the restoration of the pre-New Deal order (this complimented a world where cities with multiple differentiated newspapers consolidated into one seeking to serve the geographic area in its ideological entirety)
Which I suppose was better than WWII where they just refused to allocate rival papers any rationed newsprint