{"version": "1.0", "type": "rich", "title": "Fact: interest groups, not individual voters, are and must necessarily be the building blocks (building blocs?) of...", "author_name": "kontextmaschine", "author_url": "https://kontextmaschine.com", "provider_name": "kontextmaschine", "provider_url": "https://kontextmaschine.com", "url": "https://kontextmaschine.com/post/188846394823/", "html": "<p><a class=\"tumblr_blog\" href=\"https://quoms.tumblr.com/post/188842051927/fact-interest-groups-not-individual-voters-are\" target=\"_blank\">quoms</a>:</p><blockquote><p>Fact: interest groups, not individual voters, are and must necessarily be the building blocks (building blocs?) of liberal-/representative-democratic politics. It would be absurd and infeasible for a mass candidate or party to appeal to each voter individually without reference to some broadly shared characteristic or material interest. Ergo, anyone who complains about &ldquo;interest groups&rdquo; as a whole having too much influence is either ignorant or pulling your leg.</p><p>The major difference between various liberal-democratic systems is not how much they are under the sway of &ldquo;interest groups,&rdquo; but whether the coalition-building between those interest groups&rsquo; representatives to create a voting (and governing) majority is something that happens behind closed doors or in public. The United States, with its legally enforced two-party system, is on the hard former end of the spectrum; systems with proportional representation tend toward the latter. I really don&rsquo;t think proportional representation actually changes the baseline electoral calculus all that much, but I do think it&rsquo;s a generally positive thing to have your demands, concessions, and compromises laid out in the light of day.</p><p>Note that this doesn&rsquo;t exclude the possibility that one particular interest group will end up with vastly outsized influence just due to the way things mathematically align. But the phenomenon of the minority &ldquo;kingmaker&rdquo; is not, I think, one exclusive to systems with many small parties. You could probably find any number of examples in American politics, it&rsquo;s just that the system&rsquo;s extreme political obscurantism renders it considerably more difficult.</p></blockquote>\n<p>I don&rsquo;t think closed/open negotiations are the key here I think a lot has to do with representational and principal/agent problems</p><p>Like what the Democrats were thinking in the 70s and 80s was</p><p>&ldquo;Our base is labor, that PLUS blacks and women that&rsquo;s an unstoppable majority&rdquo; but in practice that cashed out as &ldquo;if we get all the unions PLUS the NAACP and NOW to endorse us\u2026&rdquo;</p><p>And that didn&rsquo;t factor in that a lot of &ldquo;labor&rdquo; was also the interest group of &ldquo;white ethnic men&rdquo; and that a lot of &ldquo;women&rdquo; were organized through churches and not NOW</p><p>Really Bill Clinton&rsquo;s power was to resolve this by integrating these interest groups through personal connection. In Arkansas he came from a [poor white] background close with [poor blacks] and became a [good ol&rsquo; boy local elite]. Expanding nationally, he was an [Oxford-certified meritocratic elite] who was closely entwined with a [feminist professional]. By all appearances, he was a keystone in bonding [Hollywood celebrities] and the [nonprofit sector] and [tech finance/elites] around the rockstar [male sexual liberty to fuck teenagers]. </p>"}